Programme for government strong on aspirations to tackle urgent environmental challenges but weak on details of credible policy initiatives. Climate change, sustainable water management, renewable energy and waste management are long-fingered with vague timetables, an exception being the long-overdue open debate on GMOs that will be warmly welcomed by farmers and consumers alike.Most welcome is the pledge to finally sign the Arhus Convention giving rights to access environmental information and justice, rights already enjoyed by other European citizens.The Fine Gael/Labour coalition published its agreed Programme for Government 2011-2016 on ahead of the Labour conference that look place last Sunday in UCD. The Labour delegates approved the programme, thus propelling Labour into government for the first time since 1997.[caption id="" align="alignright" width="176" caption="Tag cloud of the Programme for Government (Credit: Piers Dillon Scott)"]

[/caption]Over the past few days VOICE has analysed the environmental credibility of the Programme for Government and now present our findings.You can read our summary or, if you have the time, keep reading to find out our verdict on the policies of Ireland's new government.Programme for Government 2011: an environmental analysisGeneral Election 2011 was a historic election for a number of reasons. Friday 25th February saw the highest ever turnout of the Irish electorate and a number of political parties realised record results, for better or for worse.The current economic crisis meant that environmental issues were disappointingly, if predictably, absent from the policy debate. However Ireland still faces a wide range of challenges to our environmental sustainability that must be addressed by the new government.The Fine Gael-Labour coalition, which was confirmed yesterday as the state's 31st Dail, has released their agreed Programme for Government. VOICE has analysed the environmental merits of the policies set out in this Programme for Government (PfG) under several headings.More generally, the lack of prominence given to environmental matters in the PfG speaks volumes. The environment and sustainable development in the true sense of the phrase are not mentioned in the preamble. Important issues, such as the marine environment, spatial planning and waste are relegated to the very end of the document.However, there are a number of promising policies for which the new government must be given credit. There are promises to publish domestic climate change legislation, reform the regulation of renewable energy installations, move away from landfills and introduce a packaging levy.Ambitions to reform Ireland and adapt to new realities will fall short if we do not also adapt to the realities of resource limits. The economic and social impacts of hitting a resource wall like peak oil are sure to dwarf those of the current economic crisis. The recognition that Ireland’s economy and society exist within and very much depend on our environment and natural resources is lacking from the PfG.This translates into an absence of key policies that would have acknowledged the importance of resource efficiency and the wide-ranging benefits of protecting and improving our natural capital. Indeed, any plans for investing in natural capital seem to involve the liquidation of such investments for short-term gain. Moreover, many of the PfG’s economic strategies around food and tourism rely heavily on Ireland’s image as a clean, green country. It is more important than ever that we make that image a reality.Climate Change and EnergyLittle progress on existing commitments and a big step backwards on peat but a Climate Change Bill pledge and reform on renewables are welcomeThe Government promises to publish a Climate Change Bill in line with current EU 2020 targets, i.e. a 2.5% per annum reduction. This is very similar to Fine Gael’s policy of legislating for EU 2020 targets but falls short of Labour’s commitment to 3% annual reductions in emissions. There is no mention of the condition of all party agreement that originally appeared in Fine Gael’s manifesto.Specific climate mitigation measures referred to in the PfG are limited to rehashing existing programmes or agreements. The energy efficiency of new homes is to be improved with the ultimate goal of zero carbon homes in the longer term. However, Ireland has already committed to both of these measures under the recently adopted re-cast of the Energy Performance of Buildings Directive .In terms of specific energy efficiency measures, the PfG promises to double funding for existing home energy efficiency and renewable energy schemes until 2013 when subsidies will be phased out in favour of a ‘Pay As You Save’ scheme. PAYS will also be applied to public buildings. The option for an Energy Efficiency Obligation on energy supplies will be considered. These measures all coincide with pre-existing plans for a National Retrofit Programme, although the complete shift away from public funding is new.Moves to facilitate the deployment of renewable energy are very welcome. Improvements to the foreshore licensing and leasing process are welcome and a move to plan-led, rather than developer-led Gate processes should also lead to better planning. The transfer of ESB’s transmission assets to Eirgrid, as outlined in the PfG, is another key policy for streamlining grid upgrades. Legislative support for geothermal legislation, as planned by the previous government, is a welcome move.Unfortunately, proposed changes to ReFIT suggest less support for those seeking to sell renewable energy back to the grid. It is crucial that we provide adequate financial mechanisms to renewables if we are to reach our RES-E targets as laid out in the National Renewable Energy Action Plan.It is also disappointing that reform of the Public Service Obligation levy does not include the removal of peat from the scheme. The decision to grant exemptions for turf-cutting in 75 National Heritage Areas and vague promises of “mediation” among stakeholders in relation to Special Areas of Conservation represents a large step back in Ireland’s policy on peat.A plan to set up energy-cooperatives to facilitate deployment of small-scale renewable energy is a promising idea. The potential for community-owned installations has yet to be explored in Ireland. However, an inadequate ReFIT will stymie any efforts at small-scale deployment.On the subject of climate adaptation, relevant line ministers are to be given temporary powers to respond under the existing National Emergency Response Action Committee. This falls short of Labour’s idea of a National Climate Change Adaptation Plan.WasteComprehensive policy that promises a move away from landfills but few up-stream solutionsThe PfG promises to establish a National Waste Policy in line with the EU’s waste hierarchy, as outlined in Labour’s manifesto. A commitment to minimise the land filling of waste is welcome. Unfortunately, Labour’s ideas of coordinating Regional Waste Management Plans and the introduction a ‘cap-and-trade system for landfill permits are not mentioned.Producer responsibility, a key feature of Labour’s waste policy, is highlighted with a general commitment to extended producer responsibility (EPR). Specific measures include the introduction of a levy on packaging as outlined in both parties’ manifesto. There are also plans to introduce compulsory compliance bonds for construction and demolition waste from projects over an unspecified threshold.The regulation of kerbside collection markets is set to change with private operators and local authorities competing for a market for a certain timeframe instead of in a market. These markets will be regulated by a new utility regulator with a PSO levy to cover lower-income households.The government plans to set up a website (www.fixmystreet.ie) where the public can report, among other issues, problems with waste collection, litter and illegal dumping. It is assumed that this is modelled on Dublin City Council’s existing website for the same purpose. It remains to be seen if the promise to respond to each complaint within 2 days is realistic. On the spot fines will be introduced for illegal dumping but the key solutions to this problem are improved waste infrastructure and more resources for surveillance.Apart from the packaging levy, there is little mention of a strategy for waste reduction or up-stream solutions. Labour’s idea of a levy on hard-to-recycle items, which would have provided a form of market incentive to improve eco-design, has been left out.WaterCreation of state-owned water utility, Worrying lack of clarity and no mention of sustainable catchment management or water quality protection.The cornerstone of the PfG’s water policy is the creation of a new state company, Irish Water, which will take over the management of water infrastructure investment programmes from the 34 local authorities. This water utility was a feature of Fine Gael’s water policy. The document also promises to accelerate investment “over and above” existing plans and to include “next generation” technology.There is a great lack of detail on water policy in the PfG. Water charges, which are an area of differing policy between Fine Gael and Labour, are not mentioned. Also, it is unclear whether Irish Water will come under the aegis of the planned holding company charged with coordinating Ireland’s investment in areas that include water.The document makes no reference to River Basin Management Plans or sustainable catchment management and water protection activities. In fact, there is no mention of plans to protect and improve the quality of Ireland’s water quality. Fine Gael’s manifesto did include new regulations and remediation grants for septic tanks but this has been left out. There are also no plans to tackle agriculture’s contribution to water pollution, in keeping with Fine Gael’s manifesto.Amazingly, the PfG does not include any policy on the fluoridation of the public water supply.ForestryOverly focused on forestry’s bioenergy potential with no mention of sustainable forest management.The PfG’s forestry policy is effectively Fine Gael’s forestry policy. Coillte is to be merged with Bord na Mona to create a state owned bioenergy company, called BioEnergy Ireland. This company is to promote the development of bioenergy in Ireland and manage the promised 14,700 per annum afforestation programme.It is unclear whether BioEnergy Ireland will be under the new holding company also proposed. The future of Coillte, as part of BioEnergy Ireland, is also uncertain as it is currently included in the list of state assets being considered for sale by the McCarthy Review Group of State Assets and Liabilities .The sole emphasis on the role of forestry in bioenergy ignores the principles of sustainable forest management which balance economic, environmental and social considerations. It is very likely that the afforestation programme will consist largely of non-native fast-growing evergreens that contribute little to Ireland’s forestry-based biodiversity or meaningful tree cover.VOICE welcomes the decision not to pursue the use of forests as carbon sinks. The science of forest carbon sinks is at an early stage with little research specific to Ireland completed. However, even Labour’s passing reference to forests as a public amenity is omitted from this document. Overall, the PfG’s forestry policy is overly focused on forests as a source of bioenergy and does not give sufficient room for sustainable forestry management or genuine efforts to improve Ireland’s native tree cover.Food Security & GMOFew measures to improve Ireland’s food security and no clear position on GMOAcceptance of the Food Harvest 2020 comes as no surprise as this featured in both Fine Gael and Labour manifestos. Given the contribution of agriculture to Ireland’s national greenhouse gas emissions, it is unfortunate to see plans to intensify Ireland’s beef and diary production, which will invariably see a rise in agriculture-related emissions. Ireland should be aiming for quality over quantity. Moreover, increases in these two key areas of agricultural export does little to improve Ireland’s food security as it removes space for growing food for domestic consumption. Efforts to support younger farmers are welcome.It is disappointing to see the decision to exempt farm diesel, which already benefits from lower taxes than standard road transport fuel, from further increases in the carbon tax. This short-sighted move will disincentivise fuel efficiency in the agricultural sector, which in turn will be harder hit when the effects of peak oil begin to be felt in Ireland. This measure was mentioned in Fine Gael’s manifesto.A half-promise to introduce a successor to REPS 3, the agri-environmental scheme, is welcomed but is clearly subject to available funds. There is no hint of what the new government’s position will be on GMO, although Fine Gael’s manifesto included proposals for a national debate on the issue. Efforts to market Ireland’s clean, green food brand should coincide with the reality on the ground, rather than be a simple exercise in marketing.FisheriesBetter marine spatial planning and some sustainability measures but a worrying stance on CFP reformThe only reference to the Common Fisheries Policy is the promise to maximise Ireland’s share of quotas. Given the importance of CFP reform to the future sustainability of Europe’s fish stocks, this approach to CFP is disappointing. However, Labour’s idea of establishing an annual Sea Fisheries Sustainability Impact Assessment with stakeholder consultation gives some hope of the integration of sustainability indicators into future fisheries planning.Plans to developing integrated marine and coastal planning is a welcome acknowledgement of the growing importance of marine spatial planning. However, there is no mention of the introduction of Marine Protected Areas, which will be crucial for the future sustainability of marine ecosystems and fish stocks.Sustainable Planning & TransportSome welcome ideas on more holistic, integrated planning but an opportunity missed on NSS reviewThe current National Spatial Strategy (NSS) is in need of significant re-examination in light of new demographic trends and planning challenges. The PfG misses the opportunity to review the NSS to ensure that it provides an optimal national planning framework for the creation of regional and local plans.Plans to improve the coordination of planning laws are welcome, although the detail on how exactly this will be achieved is missing. If implemented, the Planning and Development Act 2010 should do much to move us away from developer-led development to a more plan-led approach.While the participation of local communities is vital to the success of local plans, VOICE does not welcome the decision to replace the Strategic Planning Guideline Model with a democratically-decided Regional or City Plan, which was implemented to tackle planning-related corruption among councillors. The plan from Fine Gael’s manifesto to allow more detailed public submissions on zoning should facilitate greater public engagement in the early stages of planning.There are hints of a move towards more holistic planning, for example the promotion of universal design, the integration of local transport plans into local Development Plans and the obligation for local authorities to carry out ‘Educational Impact Assessments’ for new residential zonings. This last measure could have been extended to all public amenities, such as parks and recycling facilities.There is no mention of the importance of good planning to social inclusion and health. Significant stretches of urban areas suffer from poor accessibility, meaning that residences are located more than 15 minutes walk from a public transport node (e.g. a bus stop). This has serious implications for these communities’ accessibility to facilities and employment. On the issue of health, the growing problem of obesity can be tackled through the promotion of cycling and walking and access to recreation facilities.However, a general shift towards public transport is welcome with a promise to improve commuter services (subject to cost benefit analysis), the recognition of taxis as a form of public transport, plans to invest in the National Cycle Policy and a commitment to the Rural Transport Programme. Again, there is the issue of a lack of detail and there is no mention of the Metro North or DART Underground projects. The issue of electric vehicles is also avoided, which is a surprise considering it featured largely in both Labour and Fine Gael manifestos.Some principles laid out are welcome but represent little progress on existing policy. The plan to deal with ghost estates in conjunction with NAMA is already underway. And the integration of flood risk management has already been carried out through the Planning and Development Act 2010. The continuing commitment to urban regeneration is welcome despite the lack of detail.Governance and the EUA welcome pledge to rafity Aarhus and greater Dáil scrutiny of EU legislationIreland’s position as one of the few countries that hasn’t ratified the Aarhus Convention means Irish citizens are effectively denied important environmental rights, including access to information and justice. In light of this, A pledge in the PfG to ratify the Aarhus Convention is very welcome. Such a pledge did not exist in the Fine Gael manifesto and therefore can be credited to Labour.Much of Ireland’s environmental legislation is derived from EU treaties. As such, any changes to the legislative process have implications for national environmental legislation. The Lisbon Treaty brought about a number of changes in the involvement of national governments in EU legislation. The PfG includes a number of measures designed to increase the Dáil’s oversight of Brussels. For example it is proposed that Oireachtas committees scrutinise EU draft proposals and the transposition of EU directives. Given the significant burden of work that this will place on the committees, it is possible that this measure is somewhat aspirational.While greater involvement of the Dáil in the European legislative process is welcomed, VOICE is concerned about plans to commission an independent audit into the transposition and implementation of EU legislation. This measure seems to only apply to laws and regulations “that cause concern or (are) deemed burdensome (to) Irish business. It is unclear whether this measure will apply to Directives that have already been transposed. It is also unclear how this system will work with a parallel pledge to accelerate the implementation of directives.END